curioussoul wrote: ↑Tue May 20, 2025 8:48 pm
Not a caricature, just reality. As for your claim that Mattogno "didn't move the needle in any direction whatsoever", he had questioned the relevant institutions as early as 1986, and published his findings in 1987. Following his revelations, Czech (and the Auschwitz Museum) was ultimately forced to revise her position on the Hungarian deportation trains in the updated edition of the Kalendarium published a few years later. As with a lot of things 'Holocaust', the information was out there for any diligent historian to uncover, it just so happened that a revisionist had to do the job for them. I shouldn't be surprised you still have the gall to attempt such flimsy subterfuge as to claim that supposed "research traditions" was the reason orthodox Holocaust historians repeated blatantly false Soviet atrocity propaganda up until the early 90's, when Holocaust studies actual took off as a more or less serious technical field thanks to Jean-Claude Pressac, another non-historians who had to do the jobs that salaried Holocaust academicians refused to do. It was only a few years earlier that the director of the Auschwitz Museum's history department was still lying about the available knowledge on the actual death toll in that camp, and just a decade before that he was repeating the 4 million lie.
You have never been a serious field of history. Revisionism is just course correction.
It is nigh on impossible to have a totally integrated 'field of history' for a multinational topic, such as modern European history, and within that themes like the two world wars in Europe (and how they relate to the wars beyond Europe), or the Holocaust. Language and access to archives naturally creates national research traditions. Familiarity with foreign languages and how much is translated further channels and distorts the spread of knowledge. This was quite acute for all aspects of the 1930s-1940s upheavals in Europe: Third Reich, Stalinism, Spanish Civil War, the Second World War and its aftermath, including the Heimatvertreibungen, and the many smaller civil wars and conflicts which accompanied the big clashes. It arguably still is.
Moreover: when does a 'field of history' become possible?
Contemporary history emerged after 1945 as a response to the recent catastrophes, and a reaction to traditional historians cutting off their work at earlier dates. That necessitated integrating non-traditional sources, as seem with the IfZ's Dokumentation der Vertreibung der Deutschen aus Ost-Mitteleuropa project, which relied very largely on eyewitness accounts. They had no access to East Bloc
official records. The 'official' West German goverrnment calculations of population losses and death tolls were repeatedly revised, only the rounded 2 million deaths in the expulsions became canonical despite doubts cast by internal investigations that the number was much less.
In the postwar era,
official historians could write histories with privileged access to still-classified government and military documents from WWII. If these were available. The US archives only opened up in the latter part of the 1960s after the first FOIA act, the British archives for the entire war were only more accessible from 1975 under the Thirty Year Rule (cut down from a fifty year rule).
So a 'field of history' in the academic sense could not even emerge fully for Britain in WWII and its aftermath until the latter part of the 1970s. All of the earlier books - official and privileged histories, memoirs and works by protagonists, books by journalists and pioneering academics - have to be rechecked, and for popular works which may even have quoted or paraphrased actual documents, traceable references given, to meet academic standards.
By extension we see that there could not be a singular
official history of the Holocaust either immediately after the war or later on, because it unfolded over the territory of many nation-states. Only some national level official histories might fit the bill, such as Louis de Jong's 12 volumes on the Netherlands in WWII, but there weren't equivalent ventures for either Belgium or France that were as comprehensive. The official history multi-volume model doesn't really fit Poland since the research centres were dispersed (Jewish Historical Institute, Auschwitz Museum, Majdanek Museum, other institutes and the universities) with nobody aiming to produce the definitive official history like de Jong, or the different multi-volume Soviet histories of the Great Patriotic War, or the US and British multi-volume official histories.
Going into hysterics about Cold War era distortions is still basically hilarious. Do you know the story of how the battle of Prokhorovka got revised? This key clash in the battle of Kursk in 1943 was spun by Soviet wartime propaganda and postwar myth-making, in many published histories, as a major defeat for the SS-Panzerkorps, leaving hundreds of German tanks destroyed. The destruction of a Soviet tank army was glossed over in silence. Western accounts, almost all written by non-academics, but also some by university historians like John Erickson, largely adopted the Soviet claims.
It wasn't until the 1990s that German and American historians started pointing out consistently that the archival records, which had been available since the 1960s in NARA and in Freiburg, pointed to the loss of at most 41 tanks, and not the 400 sometimes claimed. This shocked audiences in post-Soviet Russia when Karl-Heinz Frieser from the MGFA lectured on this in Moscow. Since then there are quite a few Russian military historians who've added detail from both sides on this battle. Earlier Waffen-SS divisional histories as well as the 1960s study by Ernst Klink (himself a Waffen-SS veteran) may have told a different story, but any hints at lower losses at Prokhorovka were not absorbed properly, until other historians reviewed the microfilms and paper files in the archives.
The revsion doesn't change the overall outcome - the enormous losses inflicted by the Germans on Soviet forces at Kursk did not translate into an operational breakthrough, much less a strategic shift in the initiative, which the Soviets seized permanently shortly afterwards.
Soviet losses on the battlefield in WWII were hardly revealed until the 1990s any more than the precise details of the GULag and Great Terror were. The military casualties were subsequently subjected to dispute by various Russian historians, the losses from Stalinist terror are generally considered to have checked out and been broken down. They simply couldn't be for
decades.
It took the Bundeswehr's MGFA thirty years to produce the 13 volume history of WWII, Das Deutsche Reich und der Zweite Weltkrieg, between 1979 and 2008. The MGFA was located during the Cold War right next to the military archives in Freiburg but couldn't produce a single volume for the better part of two decades after the files were restituted.
So when Reitlinger, Hilberg and others who were either not academics or not in history departments arrived at prescient conclusions, this is a better track record than we can see for many Sovietologists, academic or otherwise. Robert Conquest significantly overestimated losses in the terror and GULag, his doctorate from Oxford and research fellowship at the Hoover Institution was no guarantee of accuracy. But he deserved a lot of credit for shaping recognition and memory of the Great Terror (as well as later on what became known as the Holodomor), working with incomplete sources. Reitlinger and Hilberg also didn't have access to all the sources when they first published.
Military history as well as the history of the Holocaust and other aspects of the 1930s-1940s are still not the exclusive preserve of academics, nor will they ever be.
There are for sure more significant unaffiliated, amateur or 'untrained' historians of the Holocaust who've made important contributions - H.G. Adler, Jean-Claude Pressac and Stephen Tyas spring to mind - than there have been 'serious revisionists'. Since the number of 'serious revisionists' in retrospect is basically a sample of one, Carlo Mattogno.