bombsaway wrote: ↑Sat Oct 05, 2024 12:32 am
PrudentRegret wrote: ↑Fri Oct 04, 2024 10:59 pm
It's not just "mislabeled", nothing about this map indicates the location of "T-II," nothing about the map resembles that camp. It is highly notable that the first ever map of Treblinka, and the one that features in Weirnik's account, places the facilities on the Warsaw-Bialystok line which is right where Malkinia is. And that there is also reference to a "Malkinia transit camp" and
the fact that Malkinia-Treblinka seem to be interchangeable in certain documents.
This your supposition.
By mislabeled I mean in your view. Weirnick says it's an extermination center, not some other kind of camp.
"In 1941–1942 there was a transit camp in Małkinia for the Jewish population, set up by Germans in the eastern part of the town, along Nurska Street"
https://sztetl.org.pl/en/towns/m/982-ma ... -community
So Werinick, in your speculative history, is not talking about the Malkinia transit camp either, because it wasn't by the railroad. You must be imagining there was some other large camp there, I suggest you start digging along the tracks if you want to prove its existence.
Nobody has followed the references here to the putative Malkinia 'transit camp'. The sztetl.org page references
1) Danuta Czech's Kalendarium, which relied on Salmen Lewental's Birkenau Sonderkommando manuscript. Lewental was deported from the Zichenau district and the transport stopped in Malkinia junction but the manuscript is
literally full of holes, i.e. words cannot be made out, and by the time the MS hints at a camp, Lewental has arrived at Birkenau (noting for example that some were taken to Auschwitz i.e. main camp evidently after selection). It's not a source for the existence of a transit camp at Malkinia in December 1942; it's also the *only* source that anyone has hitherto found for even the vague possibility of one, while Czech's interpretation ignores how Lewental's transport did not originate in Malkinia but from one of the ghettos in the Zichenau district.
2) an account from The Ringelblum Archive, cited to vol 3 of the Polish edition, which is vol 2 of the English edition. This account is dated 15 July 1941 and concerns a refugee who fled from Lodz via Warsaw to Bialystok in 1939, her husband leaving for Moscow in May 1941, while the witness somehow made it to Warsaw by July 1941. The volume of TRA is online here, jumping to p.95 of the online version:
https://cbj.jhi.pl/documents/1029348/95/
There was evidently a no man's land on the Nazi-Soviet border in 1939, with the account clearly referencing 1939. The description is quite reminiscent of the pre-Kristallnacht cross-border expulsions from Germany to Poland in October 1938 that became a refugee concentration at Zbasyn. The account notes the erection of sheds or a pigsty in January 1940 at the Malkinia border crossing no man's land space.
So this second reference is not a reference to 1941-42 at all.
Further searching highlights the work of Polish assistant professor of geodesy and cartography Sebastian Rozycki, who has collaborated with the Treblinka Museum to produce spatial studies of both Treblinka I and Treblinka II. He has also researched the Malkinia camps and runs through the exact same evidence as the sztetl.org site. What is noteworthy is he refers to air photography confirming something of a camp in 1939-40 in the border zone/no man's land, but not in 1942.
The study here
https://www.academia.edu/23401637/Epizo ... 9Bwiatowej
is Google Translated for the section on the 'transit camp'
Transit camp for the Jewish population in Małkinia
The first piece of information from which we learn about the existence of the transit camp in Małkinia is the publication by Danuta Czech "Kalendarium chwil w KL Auschwitz"25. There is a record there of the arrival of two transports to the Auschwitz camp from the transit camp in Małkinia... These documents concern December 10 and 12, 1942. The first transport included approximately 2,500
men, women, and children. 524 men were selected from this group and sent to work in the camp. The rest were executed in the gas chambers. The second transport included 2,000 people, of whom only 422 were accepted to the camp, and the rest, as in the case of the first transport, were brutally murdered26.
Małkinia is also mentioned by one of the Auschwitz prisoners who arrived
in one of the aforementioned transports. His memories are not entirely coherent and unambiguous, and the phrase "transition camp for Jews" does not come from the author of the memoirs, but from those who compiled the memoirs.27 However, we would like to point out that Załmen Lewental, who came from Ciechanów, began his last journey on 17 November 1942 and arrived at Auschwitz only on 10 December 1942. Between these extreme dates, he stayed in places that could have been transit camps located in different towns.28 Information about the camp for the Jewish population located in Małkinia Górna is also shared by the native inhabitants of this town and its surroundings. They describe it as a facility organized "in the open air", in the period 1939-1940, along Nurska Street towards the east. Confirmation of this information, as well as obtaining additional information, was made possible by the accounts of people who passed through this informal camp, written in the years 1941-1942.29 In October and November 1939, Jews and Poles escaping from the German occupation often chose Małkinia as the last town on the German side of the border before reaching the territories under the jurisdiction of the Soviet Union. The analysed accounts repeatedly repeat the same pattern of events. After arriving at the site by train, on foot or in carts, the arrivals from various Polish cities, especially from Warsaw, were repeatedly subjected to meticulous inspections by the Germans. They were mainly looking for money, valuables and things of any material value30. In addition to the selfless help offered to the escapees by Poles31, there were also frauds, robberies and extortions committed by Polish citizens of various provenances32. Then, the escapees were directed to a strip of “no man’s land”. Unfortunately, even reaching Małkinia and leaving the General Government did not ensure safety. The border on the Soviet side was closed. It was also impossible to return to German territory. This situation forced the refugees to stay in a strip of "no man's land" for several days33 or weeks34. For some, this place became their grave35, while others managed to penetrate unnoticed to the Soviet side, thanks to hiring a guide. Every now and then, Russian border guards would formally or informally (15 minutes) open a border crossing36, and the storming wave of people would then rush eastwards as quickly as possible, making room for the constantly arriving new refugees. The "Dante's Hell" of that time was located between German and Soviet posts on the demarcation line on the newly established border. Its shape resembled a rectangle, the corners of which were border posts of both Soviet and German soldiers, located on the road to Nur and on the Małkinia-Białystok railway line37. It was fenced from the east and west with a fence and/or trestles with barbed wire. In the winter of 1939, on the strip of "no man's land" about 300-400 meters wide38, in forest thickets, fields, directly on the ground, in dugouts or primitive huts, there were about 2,000 people39. This number was maintained despite the fact that some people gradually managed to get to the Soviet side. It is impossible to give an estimated number of refugees who passed through the informal refugee camp in Małkinia. The main places where the people held there camped were fields located near border crossings and an unspecified clearing in the forest40. Another piece of information about the camp in Małkinia is included in the publication by Lechosław Herz "Puszcza Kamieniecka i Biała"41. We learn from it that during the occupation, the Jewish inhabitants of Brok were sent to a transit camp in Małkinia, where they died of cold and hunger. Unfortunately, the author does not place the described events in a specific time and place. He also does not provide the source on which he based the information in question.
Based on oral and written accounts, we can confirm the existence of a temporary camp in the "no man's land" strip in 1939. Aerial photographs of the area between the railway line and the road to Nur, taken in May 1940, also indirectly indicate the potential location of the camp in question. In our opinion, however, the existence of the above-mentioned camp should not be linked
with a possible transit camp for the Jewish population in Małkinia in 1942. In this case, neither the available documents nor the analysis of aerial photographs confirmed the existence of the camp. However, this does not mean that such a camp did not exist. Therefore, we leave this issue open for further researchers.
So Rozycki does not advance past the same two pieces of evidence, except an updated confirmation of the 1939-40 situation, which says nothing about 1942.
The rest of the academia.edu fragment documents in considerable detail the actual camp shown on some air photos, namely a branch of Stalag 333 at Malkinia, which was converted into a training camp for the Ostlegionen by the start of 1942, as is amply documented in the records of the Militaerbefehlshaber/Wehrmachtbefehlshaber im Generalgouvernement.
I pointed out these sources to Laurentz Dahl/Thomas Kues on the original CODOH forum about 15 years ago, based on Joachim Hoffmann's book on the Ostlegionen and confirmation from documents in the NARA RG 242 T501 version of the Wehrmachtbefehlshaber im GG records. Those are now online at NARA, the Bundesarchiv copies are also scanned and online, so there is zero room for doubt that there was an Ostlegionen training camp in Malkinia in 1942.
Rozycki's topographical study of Treblinka II co-authored with Edward Kopowa and Natalia Zalewska is online at the Treblinka Museum website, which also should make the Treblinka I topographical study available (fragments are also on Rozycki's academia.edu page). Further discussion of the Malkinia-Treblinka area should obviously take into account the work done by the local expert in cartography. At least the PDFs are copiable and thus translatable, even if they're in Polish.
https://muzeumtreblinka.eu/wp-content/u ... nka-ii.pdf
Carri on.