PrudentRegret wrote: ↑Sat Oct 12, 2024 3:42 am
To tie a bow on what Archie said-
It's highly convenient for SanityCheck to compare the Revisionist task to a Steeplechase and it's the exact posture I've seen HolocaustControversies push that has never been remotely convincing to me.
These events are not independent, they are correlated with each other. They are based on the same body of evidence, often the exact same investigators across different camps, the same governments, the same wartime or postwar fervor within historical contexts like occupations, communism, denazification. It is
flat out wrong to compare this to a steeplechase where every obstacle is independent of the others. If you stumble on a single obstacle, you lose! That isn't how this works at all. These claims are all correlated with each other, so picking apart the weaker ones weakens the entire foundation of the narrative.
It would be like saying you have to disprove every single accusation made in the thousands of Witchtrials across Europe. No you don't, you only need a few well-documented examples to show the dynamics of those types of trials, and those dynamics generalize even to cases that may be harder to explain, for example, because there's no longer much documentation about the details of individual cases.
Allegations of homicidal gassings debunked in the Western camps and debunked in Majdanek, which are the earliest examples where those accusations were made and ostensibly proven by investigators. This isn't a steeplechase where you now have to treat the next camp as being independent from those other claims that have been falsified.
If you don't weigh the claims made at Auschwitz in 1945 against the exact same falsified claims made earlier at Majdanek in 1944, and you instead treat them as separate, independent claims, you are being entirely irrational.
The reason this history is a steeplechase is because it unfolded chronologically in a very short space of time, with clear progressions. That is entirely different to the history of witch trials, which were small discrete events.
The persecution and murder of European Jews also unfolded alongside other policies of persecution and murder. These were in fact very entangled, since methods and personnel were transferred from one policy to the other, T4-AR being a salient example, the end of the Third Reich saw Jews and non-Jews thrown together in the KZs in Germany and Austria, whereas this hadn't been the case in 1943.
There was a clear progression from stage to stage with the persecution and murder of European Jews, a well-established narrative which like other periodisations has been argued over and prompted debates, but whatever disagreements exist tend to be a matter of months not years by now. The outbreak of war added ever more Jews to the Nazi sphere of influence and direct occupied territories, and it also saw a significant escalation in violence, to Jews and non-Jews. The radicalisation and escalation of policies are fairly manifest.
As a result, one can easily map death tolls chronologically and geographically, observe cumulative totals, and compare the evidence for these various 'components'. Together they aggregate to more than 5 million Jews killed or dying at Nazi and Axis hands (in camps, ghettos, mass shootings, etc). The overall death toll IS a 'revisionist' concern, but other than warbling endlessly about 6M, you guys seem rather allergic to breaking this down by country, method and time-frame.
Analytically, this means conventional understanding of Treblinka will put this at the centre of many Venn diagrams of overlap, demonstrating progression, convergence, transfer and entanglement.
This includes: T4 and Aktion 14 f 13 euthanasia by gassing; ghettoisation and mass starvation in the Warsaw ghetto; a wave of shooting and killing actions in the Bialystok district in summer 1941 by police battalions and other German forces; pogroms after the start of 'Barbarossa' by the local Polish population with the connivance or toleration of the new German occupiers; all part of an escalation to mass extermination by shooting of German and Romanian policies in the occupied Soviet Union which claimed up to 1 million lives in the second half of 1941; the shoot-to-kill order in the GG of October 1941 and worsening conditions in all districts there; the mass starvation of over 2 million Soviet POWs in 1941-2, of whom a quarter of a million died in the Stalags of the GG, causing a number of mostly Soviet Ukrainian POWs to volunteer for the Trawnikis; the establishment of Treblinka I as a labour re-education camp in November 1941 and the dispatch of various Jewish prisoners to it in the first half of 1942 and thereafter; central decision-making about the Final Solution and its communication to Hans Frank of the GG by December 1941 at the latest, interpreted by Frank as an order for liqudation/annihilation (Vernichtung); the subsequent dispatch of Frank's deputy Buehler to the Wannsee Conferene of January 1942; awareness in the Warsaw ghetto of the onset of deportation-and-extermination in the Warthegau at Chelmno; awareness in the Warsaw ghetto of the mass shootings of >200,000 Jews in eastern Poland in 1941; awareness of the deportations to Belzec and Sobibor in the Lublin, Krakau and Galizien districts from March to June 1942; the parallel deportations in the second half of 1942 to Belzec, Sobibor, Chelmno and Birkenau across different regions of Poland; the mass executions of 360,000 victims by shooting in the Reichskommissariat Ukraine in the late summer and autumn of 1942; the unfolding of deportations to Treblinka from July to December 1942 in the Warsaw ghetto, provincial Warsaw district, Radom district, Bialystok district and parts of the Lublin district, including shootings at the departure end running into several 10s of 1000s, and some transports being reported as suffocating to death in the high summer of 1942 (eg from Miedzyrzec Podlaski); train-jumping and breakout attempts during the deportations as compared between Treblinka, Belzec and Sobibor; the parallel transfers to some especially lethal forced labour camps like Skarzysko-Kamienna and Majdanek (before gas chambers were used there); the 'acceleration' of extermination in mid-1942 on Himmler's orders for the whole of the GG, influenced by food requisitioning quotas being raised across occupied Europe including the GG and further east, causing Hans Frank to announce that the feeding of 1.2 million non-working Jews would 'fall away' in late summer 1942; arguments between German agencies over Jewish forced labour ending with Goering and Himmler saying that even in such camps Jews would eventually disappear; Hitler announcing that critics of his prophecy about the destruction of the Jewish race in Europe were no longer laughing at a speech in the Berlin Sportpalast of 30 September 1942; Himmler's adjutant Karl Wolff expressing pleasure to transport ministry state secretary Ganzenmueller at the transport of 5000 Jews a day from Warsaw to Treblinka; transports from Theresienstadt to Treblinka which fell in between transports going to another killing site at Maly Trostinets and being sent to Birkenau; the 'second ghettoisation' deception measure; 'Jew hunts' and threats of execution for Poles caught helping or sheltering Jews; the growth of resistance in 1943 and the Warsaw ghetto uprising plus abortive Bialystok ghetto uprising; deportations from Macedonia and Thrace of Greek and Yugoslav Jews in spring 1943; the eventual revolt in Treblinka paralleling revolts in Sobibor and later in Birkenau among similar work crews; and of course the widespread practice of exhuming mass graves of SS and Nazi victims, carried out by local detachments under the rubric of 'Aktion 1005' and which began with the same camps of Chelmno, Sobibor, Belzec, Birkenau in autumn 1942, extending to Majdanek and associated sites across the GG in 1943-44, from Chelm to Zamosc to Siedlce to the terrain of the former Warsaw ghetto; the dispatch of Jewish prisoners from Auschwitz to staff KL Warschau to carry out the levelling of the former ghetto area in 1943-44; their liberation during the Warsaw Uprising of August 1944; ongoing executions in Warsaw claiming 32,000 Polish and Jewish lives up to the 1944 Uprising; the violent German response to the Uprising including the Wola and Ochota massacres; Verbrennungskommando Warschau cleaning up after these massacres and other killings during the Uprising; the killing of surviving Jewish inmates in Treblinka I before the Treblinka-Malkinia area was overrun by Soviet forces in summer 1944; the transfer of SS and Trawniki personnel from Treblinka to other camps and posts in the GG and to Trieste in late 1943; the establishment of property sorting camps in Lublin at Chopinstrasse 27 and the Alter Flughafen camp; dispatch of property from Treblinka II to these depots; the transfer of Jewish workers in the Toebbens and Schulz factories to Poniatowa and Trawniki in spring 1943 during the Warsaw ghetto uprising; the transfer of other Warsaw Jews to Majdanek and Lublin for dispatch to a variety of camps (Radom, Budzyn, Auschwitz, Skarzysko) including after some had been selected at Treblinka II; the decision after the aforementioned Sobibor revolt to liquidate the unproductive work camps of the Lublin district, aka 'Harvest Festival', but not to eliminate the productive workforce in the Heinkel factory at Budzyn; Himmler pressing Ganzenmueller in early 1943 for more trains to speed up deportations including from the Bialystok district, as Jews were a security threat everywhere; Himmler referring repeatedly to the Warsaw ghetto and the worker/resistance question in secret speeches from the second Posen speech in October 1943 to the Sonthofen speeches up to June 1944; the liberation of the Treblinka area and ensuing grave-robbing or 'gold rush' as with the other Reinhard camps, producing numerous photos of skulls and bones paralleling the piles of skulls photographed/filmed at Majdanek; and the curious presence of Trawnikis helping the clean-up after Dresden in February 1945 with its cremation of 7000 corpses there.
Evaluating the sources and practices for Treblinka in any case requires considering the whole of the GG + Bialystok District due to German documents (Hoefle telegram, Korherr, Diensttagebuch); the Polish and Polish Jewish underground reportage and documentation widens that to the whole of Poland, as does the postwar Central Jewish Historical Commission, Polish Main Commission and Soviet Extraordinary Commission investigations for regions seeing deportations to Treblinka and the other Reinhard camps; the same with the West and East German plus Austrian trials; Soviet cases against Trawnikis, and more.
Vasily Grossman's Hell of Treblinka has to be evaluated alongside the entire Jewish Antifascist Committee documentation and reporting effort including the 'Black Book' project, his visit to the Treblinka area warrants comparison with Ilya Ehrenburg visiting Belarus and Minsk around the same time, including thus Maly Trostinets, as well as the Soviet and western reporters and film-makers reporting on Majdanek, plus the other reports on Sobibor and Belzec from this time. All of which has to pay attention to the context of the Warsaw Uprising and the subtle distortions of Soviet discourses supressing the Jewishness of victims at Majdanek (while also cutting 1005 survivor Reznik from the films produced that shifted attention to Majdanek from the other camp sites liberated in summer 1944).
The overlaps and entanglements indicated above are frequently mentioned in conventional histories and studies whether 'in general' or specific to the sub-aspect, or indeed the Reinhard camps or Treblinka 'directly', as well as biographies of hands-on protagonists.
It's of course possible that the many hundreds of conventional historians and authors who've crowd-sourced the details and sources of all of the overlaps, entanglements and key themes, as well as the various geographers, archaeologists and others who've added further details on the direct sites, all missed something that only you, the pseudonymous PrudentRegret, have spotted, but this seems unlikely, especially if you fail to engage with all of the sources from 1941 to the 21st Century that mention Treblinka directly.
Only a few were alluded to above, but they're all pretty central - Hoefle, Korherr, Wolff-Ganzenmueller, the Stroop report - and the kinds of things which bombsaway and others will always remember whenever you try spinning up your latest hot take.
On balance, it's surely less of a waste of everybody's time, including your own, to put the damn camp into context since there's literally nothing you can do to stop others from doing exactly that, or reading books that do so, and remembering the overlaps, entanglements and comparisons you often so studiously avoid.
But hey, I'm happy to ignore you if you'll accept that your failure to integrate T4 into your analysis means your entire argument is stillborn from the outset. THAT is a hurdle that MUST be cleared, since the German SS personnel at Treblinka are so very clearly part of the core story.
Josef Hirtreiter had served at Hadamar and later served at Sobibor and in Trieste. His pretense about 'Malkinia' did not survive his 1951 trial or stand up in court, indeed the statement to the Americans from him pretending he was at Malkinia is available in a 'Cases Not Tried' file about *Treblinka*, so the Americans saw through his s--- in the 1940s.