9) This is a letter from August Becker to Walther Rauff of 16 May 1942 on "death van" and "the persons to be executed suffer death from suffocation and not death by dozing off as was planned" I'll be incorporating some of Mattogno's arguments in "Einsatzgruppen" here, throughout.
That the detainees "fall asleep peacefully" when gassed after 'lever adjustments' (Becker's claim, here) is apparent fabrication in that victims in any case would have died of asphyxia, extreme headache, extreme shortness of breath, and total panic as stinking, hot, noxious gas flowed into their crowded breathing space beside screaming, dying relatives. There is no conceivable way that this can be considered "dozing off", nor presumably that there would even be an absence of the same horrifying characteristics of "[d]istorted faces and excretions" which are said to have been totally eliminated through this mere "adjustment of the levers".
Regarding the levers, Hans has stated in his response to Alvarez:
[Becker] probably adjusted spark and throttle levers (perhaps also choke?) of the gasoline engine. This corresponds to the testimony of Helmut Hoffmann from the Criminal Technical Institute of the Security Police on "adjusting the carburetor to obtain a deadly mixture as quickly as possible" and "retarded ignition"
Hans admits he has no clue what kind of "mixture" through simply adjusting a carburetor would be sufficient to totally prevent signs of extreme distress causing excretion and facial contortion in death
while pumping exhaust gas into a sealed compartment of [utterly-horrified] human beings. But he still believes it can be done.
The improbability of the above adds weight to Mattogno/Alvarez's suggestion that the use of the term "levers" was not about "spark and throttle levers" as Hans has been forced to assume but, rather, suggests reference to a "first-generation gas van"; an inconsistency suggesting possible fabrication or forgery of the document in question.
The next issue is the designation of victims in the letter as "detainees" (Häftlinge). This term would far more likely have been used for people arrested and detained as criminals, dissidents, etc.; implying that the use of the word might indicate a fabrication, or even that 'gas vans', if true, were really intended for limited use on death-sentenced criminals, political prisoners and the like (rather than Jews).
A few other criticisms from Mattogno:
- It is inconceivable that SS soldiers would unload the "gas vans" themselves, thus putting their health at risk. The justification of a fear of detainees using the opportunity to escape is absurd.
- Other language abnormalities are also present: "Moreover, a German hardly would have said that a defect was “carried out” (“ausgeführt”), but rather it was repaired (“repariert”), and the use of the term
“group” (“Gruppe”) instead of “Einsatzgruppe” is very reminiscent of the common linguistic usage of Americans during interrogations and trials.
- The letter mentions frequent breakdowns of the "gas vans" and the need to inform Berlin via radio when this occurs. No such radio messages were ever intercepted by the British.
Mattogno notes that further problems come from examining this document beside Becker's 1960 testimony and the "Just Memo", which moves us into Document 10, below.
10) This is a memo of Willy Just of 5 June 1942 on "ninety-seven thousand have been processed using three vans", "to facilitate the rapid distribution of CO" and "when the back door is closed and it gets dark inside, the load pushes hard against the door"
The "Just Memo" (allegedly writen by German workshop foreman, Willy Just) is dated a few weeks after the Becker letter (Document 9, above) and proposed seven technical modifications to these "special vehicles" (which must ostensibly be based on Becker's experiences and observations)... but Becker's letter mentions just three technical issues, which are not reflected at all in the "Just Memo". Hence, there is a total disconnect in terms of technical issues and modifications reported between these two documents. (EG, p. 370)
Most significant of these technical issues not reflected in the "Just Memo" is the total immobilization of the Sauer vehicles on wet roads (even slightly rainy weather renders them inoperable), and this condition (wet, perilous roads) was a far more serious and common issue in the Eastern territories. Despite this, the "Just Memo" states that "97,000 were processed [...] without any defects in the vehicles". Establishment historians today claim that this specific figure of 97,000 and "without any defects" refers to Chelmno but, as Mattogno notes, if so, then the need for the seven proposed technical modifications to the vehicles noted within this same document do not make sense.
What else doesn't make sense is the notion that Jews from Poland were taken hundreds of miles through occupied territory (passing actual 'gas chamber' buildings of Treblinka and other AR camps) just to be put into 'gas vans' (or shot) in Minsk (a problem acknowledged by von dem Bach-Zelewski). And perhaps what makes the least sense is that "liquidating" these transports was against Himmler's explicit order that these transports were not to be treated as such (see EG, p. 327-331).
Becker's narrative suggests the existence of previous and/or subsequent reports on the operation and modification of gas vans, yet these reports are neither mentioned by Becker nor do they seem to exist. The problems with the timeline and missing documentation in this regard are worth looking at more closely:
- Mid-May 1942: Becker sends a letter to Rauff stating that he had completed inspection of Einsatzgruppen D and C and will proceed onto Group B.
Implies Rauff already knew about the inspection and its purpose (suggesting there should be earlier communication) but no such communication is mentioned by Becker (all indications are that it doesn't
exist).
- Mid-May 1942 to September 1942: Becker is supposedly with Einsatzgruppen B and A.
This [extended stay] should have required another report to Rauff, but it doesn't exist, is never mentioned by Becker.
- September 1942: Becker travels to Berlin to report to Rauff, but Rauff is not there. Pradel (Rauff's deputy) advises Becker to write a detailed report.
This report should [logically] be the letter dated 15 May 1942, but the date contradicts Becker's narrative that he was advised to write the report in September 1942 -- months after the letter was allegedly written!
Becker's testimony indicates he stayed with Ohlendorf for two months but his account does not mention any other Einsatzgruppen leaders, which is surprising given the length of his [alleged] stay with them.
Ohlendorf seems to have had no knowledge of ever staying with Becker. Additionally, other Einsatzgruppen leaders' statements did not acknowledge Becker's presence or role. Mattogno points out that it looks quite like any affirmative [postwar] statements insofar as homicidal 'gas vans' made by these officials are derived from the contents of the letter, therefore, rather than the contents of the letter being derived from any actual events involving these individuals.
Making matters worse, Becker’s letter and the “Just Memo” have neither any reciprocal relation to each other, nor to the correspondence between the RSHA and the Gaubschat Company. A memo dated 27 April 1942 (Document 6, above) proposes the "retractable grate" modification. This modification is then proposed all over again in the "Just Memo" of 5 June 1942. The April memo could not have been easily missed. Then, just weeks after the "Just Memo", a 23 June memo abandons the idea of the retractable grate altogether (right after it had been ordered/proposed by the "Just Memo"!). Altogether, as Mattogno
further illustrates in EG p. 373 by comparing to known authentic documentation, there is a total lack of correlation and continuity between these 'suspicious' documents and those which are certainly authentic.
Hans identifies a possible candidate for the “Ruhl” Becker refers to, a SS-Hauptsturmführer Heinz Trühe in Riga. If this is correct, Trühe would be the presumed head of Maly Trostenets “extermination camp” whom Becker allegedly told to request more gas vans for this location. Hans provides a letter with this type of request to the RSHA, from Trühe.
Unfortunately for Hans, this request was sent on June 15, 1942, which is around three months before Trühe/Ruhl and Becker first discussed the need for more homicidal gas vans (September of 1942; see EG p. 367).
This remains a very big problem for Hans. In September 1942 (month of Becker’s visit to Minsk and conversation with Truhe/Ruhl), a capacity of up to 22,050 Jews could have been gassed (using Gerlach claim that each van could kill 350-400 per day) in that time but only 3,600 arrived in that entire month (EG, p. 368). This makes the entire notion of more homicidal ‘gas vans’ being needed completely absurd.
Even with “leaky hoses”, there is no indication the request should have entailed any additional vans (e.g. rather than just replacement hoses, if that was even causing delays, which is not stated), given the capacity was several-fold that of the actual arrivals (similar proportions existed for surrounding months, i.e. August).
On the other hand, the need for some kind of “special vehicles” for delousing purposes could have been needed in greater number at the time (given Jews resettled in the area and infestation risks, generally).
Mattogno doesn’t say this but I can’t help but wonder.
In summary, the claims for homicidal "gaswagens" are sloppy and inconsistent, the documents do no favors, and this overall looks quite like a postwar frame job.
How much of this did Hans address in his rebuttal to Mattogno?
Did he even reach 10%?