Callafangers wrote: ↑Fri Apr 25, 2025 1:45 am
SanityCheck wrote:...
SC/Terry's last response to me was
2,039 words, not including quotes. That's ten (10) pages of 12-point font, double-spaced text, and without even touching the AI analysis I provided.
Does Dr. Terry really have no way to convey his thoughts succinctly, ever, on any topic, no matter what? Truly,
wtf?
Cry more.
Sagan's Baloney Detection Kit isn't about empirical vs. social science—it's about critical thinking and sniffing out nonsense, no matter the field. History isn't exempt from needing independent confirmation or falsifiability.
Missing the point,
again, Sagan's BDK is a pretty poor guide to how historical science and social science work - since the evidence, data, observations are gathered in rather different ways to natural science (telescopes and laboratories).
There's a wealth of literature in the philosophy of science but also philosophy of history, law, social science which wrestles with the structure of justified true beliefs, as well as the validity of falsifiability, and indeed how one might falsify something.
You're trying to carve out a special exception for the Holocaust narrative by saying "social facts" often come from single sources.
No, I was pointing out there are plenty of cases in history, politics and law where something is known only from a single source. This is especially blatant for earlier epochs in history, less so for the modern era, but even in the modern era, there are many things which are known only through one collective entity, a government, or a component part of a national or local government.
This isn't true for the Holocaust, since multiple nation states were involved in investigating the events, while non-governmental organisations were also involved, and private individuals could deposit their accounts, diaries, letters and experiences in a variety of non-state archives and libraries.
To give another example of how dependent we can be on government:
US crime statistics are aggregated from thousands of law enforcement agencies some of which do not send in complete statistics to national centres like the FBI, or may not measure crimes in the same way. British crime statistics are aggregated from 45 territorial forces, 43 in England and Wales, one in Northern Ireland and one in Scotland. Scotland and Northern Ireland thus have crime statistics from a single source, with breakdowns available.
In none of these cases are the statistics being checked officially
by another nation state. The checks and tests come from the media, from social crime surveys and from academia. It's not really possible for any of those watchdogs to revise the statistics entirely, unless given full access to all of the reporting, which could easily be 'lost' or covered up or withheld if a particular police authority decided it was being harassed for political reasons. Non-recording of crimes or downgrading of crimes can make police force statistics look better so this seems widespread.
There is general agreement that about the only crime statistics which are entirely reliable in the UK and US are homicides, as it is much harder to cover up dead bodies in advanced societies. The UK with its lower homicide rate is more reliable than the US with its innumerable jurisdictions and extensive wilderness areas to dump bodies in.
The same cannot really be said of states with weaker infrastructural power or contested zones or which are entire war zones. Undercounting of murders and disappearances would be unsurprising for Mexico, and was a big problem in Iraq after 2003, thus the controversies over Iraq Body Count, the Lancet social survey and its extrapolation, and so on.
Go back in time, as historians of crime have done, and one rapidly encounters missing records or non-recording of crimes, including murders. But the data is good enough that we can be fairly sure of the number of lynchings in the US after Reconstruction and the number of victims of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, on all sides. There are enough media sources alone to mean dependence on the say-so of local authorities is not entirely needed for those - but that probably wouldn't be true for all murders. Especially in the US, not all murders receive equal media attention.
Fine, but when those sources are riddled with inconsistencies, political bias, and outright fabrications (like the 4 million Auschwitz hoax), Sagan's principles demand skepticism, not blind acceptance. You're sidestepping the core issue: the Holocaust narrative fails hard on independent confirmation when primary claims—like mass gassings—lack forensic backing and rely on cherry-picked, often coerced testimonies.
None of these assertions from you are quantified, so your invocation of Sagan is positively hilarious.
Here's some quantification for you: the Yad Vashem Untold Stories database lists 1,222 separate cities, towns and villages in the 1941 borders of the USSR where some kind of killing took place. The database is not complete, so one can compare the 5 entries for Latvia with the 30 for Latvia and Estonia in USHMM's Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos vol II, or the 53 for Lithuania for Untold Stories vs 91 for prewar Lithuania in the ghettos encyclopedia.
So, adding these in and preferring the encyclopedia for prewar Poland, one gets
Baltic states - 121 sites
Belorussian SSR - 147
Ukrainian SSR - 498
RSFSR - 237
Romania - 30 (likely an undercount due to incomplete updating)
prewar Poland - 687 ghettos
total, 1720 sites
This would overlap a bit with labour camps, but many would not be included. Not all towns in the USSR saw ghettos established so using Untold Stories corrects for this for pre-1939 Soviet territory (Belarus, Ukraine, Russia = 882 cities, towns and villages).
One can use the regions as well, so four army group areas at the front, plus four districts of the Ostland and six of the RK Ukraine, plus Transnistria, Bialystok and then the five districts of the GG, Warthegau, etc. The Warthegau had 57 ghettos with deportations in 1941-2 going exclusively to Chelmno, but also many with local killings. There were no deportations to any camps from the 135 ghettos of Generalkommissariat Wolhynien.
Including labour camps such as Trawniki, Poniatowa and others that are not closely related to nearby ghettos would surely push the number of sites up past 2000, with some seeing only transfers to another ghetto/camp but the majority seeing *some* killings as a minimum, and many with *lots* of killings. Disentangling which involved shootings and which saw gas vans (fewer than expected) and which saw decimation killings during deportations to extermination camps requires more than a hand-wave.
The same, obviously, for which saw exhumations and cremations in Aktion 1005 and which left intact mass graves.
There were over 1,000 Aussenkommando/Arbeitskommando or Ausssenlager of the official WVHA Konzentrationslager system at one point or another, likely around 500 in January 1945. Not all interned Jewish inmates, but the overlapping sets matter.
So call this 3,000 sites which were very much entangled, e.g. labouring Jews from a ZAL in Radom district deported via Auschwitz-Birkenau in early summer 1944 to a sub-camp of KL Natzweiler, or inmates of the Kovno ghetto > KL Kauen deported via Stutthof to the Kaufering subcamp complex of KL Dachau. One can see pretty clearly that some itineraries would not take survivors or victims anywhere near gas chambers or gas vans, whereas in other cases, like the 101 ghettos of Distrikt Radom, deportations would go from small ghetto to bigger ghetto/railhead and from there on to Treblinka with one county to Belzec and 1-2 to Sobibor.
These 3,000 sites are the baseline - they also could be documented in diaries, letters and other contemporary accounts, some from Germans, some from non-Germans and some from Jews. They would be investigated by the three western Allies, Poland or the Soviet Union depending on where they were. Survivors from them might testify from 1944-1945 to many dozens of state and NGO bodies.
German prisoners might have been interrogated about these sites, or they might have talked freely about them in captivity and been recorded in bugged conversations by one of the Anglo-American CSDIC units. Mattogno got a copy of a British interrogation of a SD NCO captured in Italy who was with Einsatzgruppe D in 1941 and knew something of the massacre of Jews at Kherson. He neglected to note in vol. 39 of the Holocaust Handbooks that this interrogation also displayed knowledge of gas vans operated by Einsatzgruppe D.
Other Germans deserted to Switzerland and were interrogated by Swiss military intelligence, some offering knowledge of massacres behind the Eastern Front or in the case of a SD officer deserter, extensive insider knowledge of the invention of the second generation of gas vans as well as of Auschwitz as an extermination camp using gas, well before the big wave of publicity in mid-1944 after the Vrba-Wetzler report.
'Coerced testimonies' doesn't explain away contemporary German letters and diaries, bugged conversations or casual references in generic interrogations during the war. It doesn't explain away Germans stationed in the same towns or near to camps who testified after the war voluntarily. It doesn't explain statements given to the Swiss. It provides no evidence of actual coercion for either post-1949 German/Austrian interrogations, or even 1945-49 Allied and East Bloc interrogations.
There's also no baseline for the 1945-49 Allied and East Bloc interrogations, since Germans were being interrogated about every aspect of the recent war for intelligence purposes as well as investigating other potential war crimes. It doesn't explain free-form voluntary statements written down as self-justifications or to sum up wartime service in full - which would include of course Hoess's memoirs and essays, as well as many more from other key German officials (Wisliceny, Aumeier, Wirths, Grabner, Broad, Clausen, Franz Konrad of KdS Warschau, Ludwig Fischer governor of Warsaw, and so on).
The surviving German documents are numerous enough for the 3000 sites and not nonexistent for the key gassing sites, so this just adds to the complexity, and underscores the failure to quantify properly.
You're proving my point here. The 4 million figure was "baloney" pushed by state powers and parroted uncritically for decades—even in the West, as HansHill showed with Bronowski on BBC. That's not just a Soviet oopsie; it's evidence of narrative manipulation on a massive scale. If "independent evidence" debunked that, why trust the revised figures when they still rely on shaky witness accounts and documents that don't explicitly confirm gassings? Sagan's Rule #1 isn't met by tweaking numbers down—it's met by hard, verifiable facts, which the exterminationist side still can't fully provide for core claims like gas chamber mechanics or body disposal logistics.
Exaggerated numbers aren't the unique preserve of this topic. US intelligence overestimated the probable death toll in the Kolyma-Magadan Gulag complex by a factor of four during the Cold War. They thought 4 million, documents from the Soviet archives indicated a quarter of that, still the worst place in the Gulag system. The parallel with Auschwitz is quite striking. Wartime observers thought the Soviets deported over 1 million Poles and Jews from eastern Poland in 1939-41, documents show about 300,000.
The fixation on Auschwitz 4M ignores how the other camps were also massively overestimated at first, yet rapidly scaled down. Treblinka was stated to be 3 million in 1944, by 1946 and the official Polish Main Commission reports in German Crimes in Poland, this was reduced to 781,000, very close to the number later established by documents. Belzec, Sobibor and Chelmno likewise all had initial overestimates past 1 million and were reduced by 1946 to six figures. Later document-based research cut these down a bit but the order of magnitude wasn't as way off as with Auschwitz and Majdanek.
Majdanek too was cut down from 1.5 million (a number more valid for the Reinhardt camps as a whole), then to 360,000 by 1946, later to 235,000, then 170,000 and finally 78,000.
The persistence of an exaggeration with Majdanek had a similar cause to the Auschwitz 4M exaggeration: these camps also interned non-Jews and were singled out as sites of universalising memory or Polish and international victimhood, rather than specifically Jewish victimhood as with Treblinka, Belzec, Sobibor and Chelmno.
Reitlinger and Hilberg as Jewish historians could discern that the Auschwitz (and Majdanek) exaggerations after 1946 did not mean that many Jews had died in these camps, and they could also use the evidence of other investigations to cut the number down to size.
Reitlinger and Hilberg also did not have access or the ability to read all of the Polish and Soviet investigations of Auschwitz, so they tended to cite survivors from western countries, either memoirs or affidavits for one of the Nuremberg trials. They still managed to cite only a fraction of those, and they were both writing too early for the full ZBL Auschwitz archive to be available. So what is now available for Auschwitz quantitatively (transport documents etc) and qualitatively (documents, photos, contemporary sources and testimonies) is expoentially larger than was the case in any 1940s-1960s study, whether by a historian or by a single investigating agency.
This is the classic Nessie-style burden-shifting nonsense. Mattogno's work exposes the impossibility of the claimed cremation rates matching the narrative—Sagan's Rule #6 on quantification applies. The "fate" of people isn't on revisionists to solve when the primary claim (mass extermination) lacks solid grounding. You've got no forensic evidence of millions gassed and cremated; transports and camp strengths don't inherently prove murder. Occam's Razor (Sagan's Rule #8) leans toward simpler explanations like labor camps and wartime deaths over an unproven industrial killing machine.
This is where inference to the best explanation also kicks in. There is colossally more evidence of all kinds for mass extermination at the 6-7 key extermination camps using gas (let's not forget Maly Trostenets) and for mass killing at many of the 3000 sites - towns, ghettos, camps - as a whole, than there is for your unquantified copes. Which still alas for you leave the fate of the deportees unexplained.
Volume of sources isn't proof of truth—Sagan warns against arguments from authority (Rule #3).
Volume of evidence isn't an argument from authority. This is where the distinction between evidence, data, observations and hypotheses/interpretations kicks in.
Persecution of Jews isn't disputed by revisionists; mass murder via gas chambers is. Your 5000 sources crumble under Sagan's scrutiny when many are self-referential, based on postwar propaganda, or lack primary forensic corroboration for the extermination claim. Quantity doesn't equal quality, and the contradictions (like shifting death tolls) violate Sagan's Rule #7—every link in the chain must hold, not just most.
Missing the point, again. The 5000 core sources are just scratching the surface for 1933-1945. Most of the conventionally defined Holocaust is either not disputed or overlooked by revisionists.
Hilberg in 2003 used 599 notes out of 4711 in the whole three volume book for his chapter on the kiling centres. Many of the points were not about gassing, since he also covered camp guards, expropriation, forced labour and medical experiments. But these phenomena were also prosecuted in the key trials, so they are relevant as controls for the evidence on the core aspect of killing.
Since more specialist studies of individual camps use hundreds and thousands of notes and corresponding numbers of individual sources, the number of individual sources of relevance for the key camps is certainly greater than 5000, and because of Auschwitz runs into the 10s of 1000s. Some of which are photographs, some forensic reports or later archaeological work. The use of cyanide was forensically corroborated in 1945 by the Jan Sehn investigation. Soviet investigations confirmed the use of carbon monoxide at various gas vans sites including Majdanek (the vans were likely operated by KdS Lublin but the bodies dumped just before liberation in the camp and could not be cremated in time).
Nice strawman. Revisionists don't ignore persecution or deportations—we focus on the extermination claim because that's the core of the "Holocaust" narrative's uniqueness and moral weight. If half the death toll is supposedly from shootings or other means, where's the forensic evidence—like mass graves matching the numbers? You're dodging Sagan's Rule #6 (quantify) and Rule #9 (falsifiability). If these claims can't be tested or independently confirmed, they're just stories, not facts.
Deportations form part of the extermination claim since they relate to the numbers. Not factoring in deportations from the Netherlands or Salonika or Hungary to Auschwitz is a fail. Not factoring in deportations from the Warsaw ghetto to Treblinka is a fail.
You can ask the same 'where's the forensic evidence?' question about all other mass killings in modern history; the answer is depressing - many were never forensically investigated at all, the results of the investigations or clean-ups of killings if conducted are buried deeply in obscure records and not foregrounded in most accounts discussing the mass killings. If one is interested in the small-scale killings of eras like lynching and the Troubles one might have a devil of a job assembling the forensic evidence for 3000-5000 killings acrosss many decades. One would be in more luck for photographs. As soon as one shifts to the global south and era of major wars then the forensic evidence that is readily to hand diminishes rapidly.
The standard problem then intervenes; if an authority dealing with a mass killing and its aftermath does investigate, it's almost unheard of for other authorities to do control checks or be involved in the investigation. Some colonial authorities and state authorities will downplay even 'admitted' massacres, as with the French at Setif in 1945 or the British about Amritsar.
So most references to massacres in modern history cannot be 'tested' as you seem to think is standard.
Mass graves left by the Germans and Axis powers in WWII, including half of the Holocaust, were investigated by the relevant authorities in the Soviet Union, Poland, Yugoslavia, Germany-Austria (by four occupying powers) and by the other European states.
These sites, running to more than the 3000 mentioned above since now we're also considering Oradour, Lidice, Klissura and the various Borkis, plus other villages and towns destroyed in antipartisan warfare, left a considerable amount of documentation, along with contemporary unofficial sources and testimonies.
For Jewish death tolls, the evidence of censuses as well as wartime and postwar population registrations means that when the German engaged in the systematic extermination of Jews in a particular Soviet oblast, we have the control of the prewar population to set a ceiling. This is where studying minorities subjected to mostly one form of violence in a short space of time is helpful, whereas national level population fluctuations could be from multiple causes; it is how the total is documented from multiple perspectives together with the available site inspection and physical evidence that the Holocaust in the Soviet Union is outlined. Since there is evidence independent of the Soviet authorities for this wave of killing, then it's not reducible as a whole to one source.
SanityCheck wrote:Secondly, the politically charged part needs establishing. Many of the mainstream political controversies have concerned parts of the Holocaust which revisionists ignore. The extent of Polish complicity in denouncing and murdering fugitive Jews, or in carrying out pogroms in northeastern Poland in 1941, has been hugely politically charged in Poland for 25 years at the very least. The controversies have nothing directly to do with gas chambers.
Irrelevant to the gas chamber debate, which is the linchpin of the narrative. Political controversies over complicity don't validate the extermination claim—they show how the story's been weaponized for national agendas. Sagan's Rule #2 (encourage substantive debate) is violated when questioning core claims like gassings gets censored or legally punished in many countries. That's not a sign of a robust narrative; it's a red flag for dogma.
Again missing the point about establishing the baseline. Controversies abound regarding the Holocaust and the 'revisionist' controversy is not necessarily a very prominent one in comparison to the sum total of controversy, or the sum total of coverage of the Holocaust, Third Reich and WWII.
The history of the specific 'gas chamber controversy' also doesn't quite match the self-serving woe-is-me stance, since from 1978 to 1990, the Faurisson affair and its fall out prompted extensive intellectual debate as well as rebuttals, before the Gayssot law was passed; even after this there were no legal restrictions in the US and UK, culminating in a months long trial instigated by David Irving against Deborah Lipstadt, where Irving's revisionist claims about Auschwitz were freely aired but could be disputed. So there was a contentious semi-mainstream debate from circa 1978 to circa 2000, which ended with Irving losing the case.
The internet from its modern inception in the 1990s functioned in the same way: endless debates in uncensored spaces for what must now be about three decades. There are certainly other spaces on the internet where this can be debated. Unlike the public debates of 1978-2000 this one has run longer and won't stop.
I think you guys might not have a good handle on _what_ has been covered since 1978 or since 2000 in conventional terms. This is why I remind you about the rest of the Holocaust since the books that are published cover a much broader spectrum of topics than Auschwitz/Treblinka.
Consider responses and wartime knowledge, a theme which encompasses the Vatican and Catholic Church, neutrals, Allies, governments-in-exile and resistance movements plus the Axis allies and different classes and groups in European societies. Plus the German and Austrian peoples, including again the churches, resistance movements, intelligentsia, workers, and so on.
This angle _does_ concern extermination and camps, but it also discusses deportations and shootings, and indeed starvation in ghettos, since the mass killings of Jews first became known from reports of shootings, while accelerated starvation in the Warsaw ghetto was widely known. Both shaped reactions and interpretations of the news of deportations in 1941-42, and thus are entirely relevant to the 'key question'.
Moreover, revisionists have offered some limited coverage of this, and also rely on very vague and unproven labels like propaganda, or the Crowell thesis, to explain responses and wartime knowledge.
I'm unaware of any revisionist being prosecuted for this kind of coverage, but then the offerings have been rather limited and fleeting. Versus several hundred books from conventional perspectives just on the angle of responses and wartime knowledge.
So this is an area where like the hundreds of studies of Aryanisation, there's been insignificant 'debate' from a revisionist POV, even though propaganda or rumour should be rigorously established by the revisionists.
Cool, but credentials don't cut it with Sagan (Rule #3).
Expertise, not credentials, is what Sagan recommended.
All that reading and you still have no direct refutation to the fact of:
[snip]
No big deal?
Well, let's frivolously flip the Mattogno demands onto you. Where is the forensic evidence for this? And where are the Israeli orders, documents and reports confirming they perpetrated JFK's assassination? In the context of the killing of a thousand Jews by mass shooting by a German unit,you'd demand documents and physical evidence, but you have none of that here.
The Dimona inspections issue was far from a sufficient reason to orchestrate the assassination of the president of a friendly power. JFK's demands for inspections by US scientists were accepted by the prime minister of Israel before JFK's assassination, and the first visit happened not long after JFK's death. It would have been an insane gamble to believe a state sponsored assassination could be pulled off, or that JFK's successors, whether LBJ or a Republican President elected in 1964 or later, would not take extreme offence at such an act. It doesn't pass the smell test, much less fit the actual documented off-the-record confrontation.
You have had so much practice tooting/touting your authority and then presenting your opinion ("'technical' claims set off my baloney detector") that you think you're actually making a compelling case by doing so. But no, sir, you've added nothing of value. Despite your reading, you remain ignorant on the most resistant-to-scrutiny elements which critics of official narratives have put forward or, perhaps, you simply pretend to be ignorant of them.
Or maybe on those issues I just don't give a shit enough to go all the way down the rabbit hole, especially not when the proliferation of loony claims cannot be managed by the alt types to weed out the baloney and highlight the supposedly important stuff.
Your preference for Israel-did-it for both JFK and 9/11 doesn't explain why these are better theories than the mafia theory, LBJ theory, Bush seeking revenge for daddy theory, the controlled demolition theory, etc. Past a certain point, too many competing theories create a circular firing squad and the claims cancel each other out.
You 'can't be bothered' with a topic you claim to have read numerous books on, and on a point which is absolutely critical to an understanding of what really happened? All of the major locations where the alleged hijackers were tracked have a direct overlap with locations where Israeli 'art students' (Mossad agents) had also been tracked, with these Mossad agents being in houses just a few doors down from the location of the 'hijackers', in some cases (e.g. in Hollywood, Florida):
You and other 9/11 Deceivers have also had one hell of a time explaining the bright orange molten metal clearly filmed pouring and splashing its way out of the South tower, just 2-3 minutes before its total collapse initiated at that exact position:
Note that even if we assume this liquid is molten aluminum (it is not), the bright orange glow can only be explained by temperatures far, far beyond anything that jet-fueled office fires could ever create (the color and intensity of the glow always has to do with temperature -- not with the type of metal; confusion in this regard often stems from the fact that certain metals like aluminum have such a low melting point that they start melting before they glow at all). There is not a single 'official' explanation which even remotely satisfies the challenge that observation of this liquid creates. And there are many other reports of the same kind of liquid ("like a foundry") being witnessed in the WTC wreckage, within the buildings, etc. Not a single instance of this is satisfactorily explained by "jet-fueled office fires", let alone when multiple reports and video evidence converge in this way.
Did the Americans land on the moon? Is the earth flat?
Your babbling here does you no favours. The principle that conspiracy theories are like Pringles ('once you pop, you just can't stop') means that it's a very good heuristic to regard anyone espousing more than, say, two, as batshit insane or screamingly partisan.
I offered you the get out clause of MIHOP but transposed to Mossad, instead you start going on about molten metal implying a LIHOP theory, which becomes exponentially more improbable.
Note that disproving 9/11 conspiracy theories or JFK conspiracy theories doesn't prove the Holocaust; any more than claims of JFK and 9/11 conspiracy theories prove revisionism. A MUCH larger data set of terrorist attacks, assassinations, wars and genocides is needed for the proper baselines for any of these things.
SanityCheck wrote:I'll end by reminding you that the Holocaust - in its conventional sense of a Europe-wide campaign of deportations and murders of Jews - became known through the investigations and evidence gathered in multiple countries, both by governments and NGOs, by non-Jewish and Jewish groups.
"Multiple countries" doesn't mean unbiased or independent (Sagan's Rule #1).
On the contrary they do mean independent. The Dutch government and its war crimes investigations plus missing persons investigations relied on documents captured in the Netherlands first and foremost. The survivors who returned to the Netherlands were being interviewed in one country, independently of other countries. Many knew only Dutch so could not know what was being said elsewhere. The Dutch investigations highlighted unusual patterns such as the Cosel selections for the Schmelt camps, which were confirmed by Belgian and French investigations, but also the independently located Korherr report.
You seem to not recognise when you should stop inflating the size of the conspiracy. Dutch investigations arrived at a matter of fact conclusion that only a few thousand deported Jews returned or could be traced. The rest were missing presumed dead and legally could be declared dead very quickly. Bias doesn't cut it to refute these points.
The investigators _might_ have been misled by the collective deviousness of several thousand returning Jews who had concocted their story in Auschwitz-Birkenau for the most part, alongside other groups of Greek, Belgian, French, Hungarian, German, Austrian, Czech, Slovakian, Hungarian and Polish Jews, as well as non-Jewish Poles and Germans and Roma and Belarusians and others.
This is where comparing the different 1940s investigations and other accounts is necessary, on a larger scale than cherrypicking the Sonderkommandos and a few others. There needs to be a clear answer as to whether it was the prisoners who got carried away or if the investigators - not just the Soviets or Poles - injected a particular slant or bias. Which also cannot be reduced to death toll estimates, since various investigations were more concerned about the national totals than the continent-wide ones.
Postwar investigations were steeped in victor's justice and propaganda motives—Allied powers had every reason to exaggerate Nazi crimes for geopolitical gain (Israel's creation, German reparations).
So now your baseline is _all Nazi crimes_ since the various four power Allied and national investigations were oriented to a far wider array of crimes than the gassing of Jews at a few camps. Again, it's truly remarkable how much revisionists fail to spot the screamingly obvious.
Gassing was irrelevant to the majority of property expropriation under Aryanisation which racked up the greatest costs in West German compensation and restitution procedures, or the compensation awarded to KZ survivors (not just Jews) for prolonged internment in concentration camps. Reparations from West Germany to Israel did not rest on the precise documentation of the pan-European effort to investigate and prosecute Nazi crimes against non-Jews as well as Jews, or on the precise death toll, since it was not calculated on the basis of compensating for a certain number of deaths. Adenauer's reparations were also an export subsidy for West German industry in the 1950s, although other factors explain the Wirtschaftswunder more, they _did not hurt_ the West German economy and in fact boosted it.
Moreover, the reparations negotiations took place several years after the postwar investigations and trials wound down, with zero involvement of the Netherlands, Poland, the Soviet Union, etc. Watch out for post hoc ergo propter hoc fallacies of causation, as this seems to be a classic example; the connections haven't even begun to be proven.
The creation of Israel went back to the Balfour Declaration in 1917. Well before gassing was used by the Nazis to murder non-Jewish psychiatric patients, there were hundreds of thousands of Jews in Mandate Palestine and also proposals for partition. Sympathy for the plight of European Jews during the war was certainly expressed by UN member states and their representatives in the run-up to 1948, but the major concern of e.g. the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Palestine was what do with _survivors_ i.e. the Displaced Persons. East Bloc states had an interest in encouraging Jews to leave, and Stalin hoped for a potentially sympathetic pro-socialist Israel oriented against the British empire (since the British were thoroughly antagonised by the Jewish revolt of 1944 onwards and were washing their hands of the Mandate).
Israel doesn't begin to explain why different nation states would fuss over a diverse range of Nazi crimes, many of which did not involve Jews, or as with Poland and the Soviet Union, maintain the exaggerated Auschwitz death toll of people (i.e. not just Jews) and reduce the death tolls of Treblinka etc.
The effort of covering up the actual fate of Jews in the revisionist Unicornville scenario outweighs *any* possible geopolitical gains for the East Bloc.
The western powers also had little incentive to twist so many arms and go to so much effort to fake things so widely, especially not when the British and Americans were _clearly_ prosecuting crimes against their own servicemen more intensively than crimes against Jews. Yet another reason why ignoring the rest of the 1940s investigations and trials results in such a craptastically inane non-analysis from revisionists.
Many survivor accounts conflict, and physical evidence for mass gassings is completely absent and directly refuted by physical/forensic/chemical investigations. Under Sagan's Rule #9, if claims can't be falsified or forensically duplicated, they're suspect. Your "consensus" smells more like enforced dogma than proven truth. Revisionists don't have to rewrite every detail—just show the emperor's got no clothes on the big claims. So far, we're doing just that.
Repetition of mantras don't make for quantification.
Unfortunately, the baselines are just significantly bigger
1) all Nazi crimes, including those investigated and prosecuted by the western Allies contrasted with other powers and the East Bloc
2) the several thousand sites - towns, ghettos, camps - entangled in the Holocaust (for killings and deaths) and how they relate to
3) the core 6-7 camps where Jews were gassed en masse and
4) the other sites where the Nazis gassed non-Jews
5) to be consistent, a core of gassing sites including gas vans sites and cremation sites including shooting sites, but which *still* have to be contrasted with the others where mass graves were uncovered, and then not just of Jews.
6) checking all the diverse national contingents of witnesses against each other, a big problem for Auschwitz
Your narrowing to a limited amount of evidence for a few camps doesn't help in the real world, where the full history is discussed and commemorated and researched and memorialised (i.e. everything from Oradour to Rumbula to Drobitskii Yar), and where there are extensive reference collections - Wikipedia, museums, Yad Vashem, other websites detailing this, and a lot digitised to give deep background.
Revisionism is something of a pseudohistorical Ponzi scheme, where doubts about a few sites are meant to explain away all the rest or declare them irrelevant (as you often do). That is just considering the sites left by the Nazis never mind the full range of atrocity and massacre sites whether just in 20th Century Europe or worldwide. There isn't even consistency of attention in revisionism with the gassing and cremation sites involving the Nazis, which become much more numerous than just Auschwitz or Treblinka. No amount of deflection will ever stop the euthanasia program from being a key precursor to the extermination camps of the Final Solution, and that's just an extra six, where Jews are nowhere to be found as live witnesses.